Eвропейската алтернатива на Турция е неизбежна и
един ден тя ще бъде неотделима част от Европа като политическо, икономическо и културно пространство !

Орхан Памук

728x90,booking

Booking.com

travel-in-turkey

travel-in-turkey
travel-in-turkey

неделя, 28 декември 2008 г.

Religious Turks tested by wealth,International Herald Tribune

Ferhan Kadiroglu played with her 3-year-old daughter, Ayse, in their Istanbul home. Their family is part of Turkey's powerful new class of wealthy Muslims.
(Lynsey Addario for The New York Times )

By Sabrina Tavernise

ISTANBUL: Turkey's religious businesspeople spent years building empires on curtains, candy bars and couches. But as observant Muslims in one of the world's most self-consciously secular states, they were never accepted by elite society.

Now that group has become its own elite, and Turkey, a more openly religious country. It has lifted an Islamic-inspired political party to power and helped make Turkey the seventh-largest economy in Europe.

And while other Muslim societies are wrestling with radicals, Turkey's religious merchant class is struggling instead with riches.

"Muslims here used to be tested by poverty," said Sehminur Aydin, an observant businesswoman and the daughter of a manufacturing magnate. "Now they're being tested by wealth."

Some say religious Turks are failing that test. They see the recent economic crisis as a lesson for those who indulged in the worst excesses of consumption, summed up in the work of one Turkish interior designer: a bathroom with faucets encrusted with Swarovski crystal, a swimming pool in the bedroom, a couch rigged to rise up to the ceiling by remote control during prayer. "I know people who broke their credit cards," Aydin said.

But beyond the downturn, no matter how severe, is the reality: the religious wealthy class is powerful now in Turkey, a new phenomenon that poses fresh challenges not only to the old secular elite but to what good Muslims think about themselves.

Money is at the heart of the changes that have transformed modern Turkey. In 1950, Turkey was a largely agrarian society, with 80 percent of its population living in rural areas. Its economy was closed and foreign currency was illegal. But a forward-looking prime minister, Turgut Ozal, opened the economy. Now the country exports billions of dollars in goods to Europe, and about 70 percent of its population lives in cities.

Religious Turks helped power that rise, yet for years they were shunned by elite society. That helps explain why many are engaged in such a frantic effort to prove themselves, said Safak Cak, a Turkish interior designer with many wealthy religious clients. "It's because of how we labeled them," he said. "We looked at them as black people."

Cak was referring to Turkey's deep class divide. An urban upper class, often referred to as White Turks, wielded the political and economic power in the country for decades. They saw themselves as the transmitters of the secular ideals of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Turkey's founder. They have felt threatened by the rise of the rural religious merchant class, particularly of its political representative, the Turkish prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

"The old class was not ready to share economic and political power," said Can Paker, chairman of the Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation, a liberal research organization in Istanbul. "The new class is sharing their habits, like driving Mercedeses, but they are also wearing head scarves. The old class can't bear this."

Paker described the White Turks' thinking this way: "They were the peasants; why are they among us?"

Aydin, who wears a scarf, encountered that attitude not long ago in one of Istanbul's fanciest districts. A woman called her a "dirty fundamentalist," when Aydin tried to put trash the woman had thrown out her car window back inside.

"If you're driving a good car, they stare at you and point," said Aydin, 40. "You want to say, 'I graduated from French school just like you,' but after a while, you don't feel like proving yourself."

She does not have to.

Her father started by selling curtains. Now he owns one of the largest home appliance makers in Europe. Aydin grew up wealthy, with tastes no different from the older class. She lives in a sleek, modern house with a pool in a gated community. Her son attends a prestigious private school. A business school graduate, she manages about 100 people at a private hospital founded by her father. Her head scarf bars her from employment in a state one.

Her husband, Yasar Aydin, shrugged. "Rich people everywhere dislike newcomers," he said. In another decade, those prejudices will be gone, he said.

The business owners describe themselves as Muslims with a Protestant work ethic and say hard work deepens faith.

"We can't lie down on our oil like Arab countries," said Osman Kadiroglu, whose family owns a large candy company in Turkey, with factories in Azerbaijan and Algeria. "There's no way out except producing."

Ismail Kavurmaci, an observant Muslim who owns a Cerruti store, said Islam teaches that "nobody likes an idle man."

Fortunes were made, forming new patterns of consumption. Istanbul, Turkey's economic capital, is No.4 on the latest Forbes list of world cities with the highest number of billionaires. Luxury cars stud its streets. Shopping malls, 80 at last count, are mushrooming.

"Now, unfortunately, there is a taste for luxury, excessive consumption and comfort, vanity, exhibitionism and greed," said Mehmet Sevket Eygi, a 75-year-old newspaper columnist who has written extensively about Muslims and wealth.

Recep Senturk, a sociologist at the Center for Islamic Studies in Istanbul, said: "You have money, but do you buy whatever you want? Or should you keep a humble life? This is a debate in Turkey right now."

Islam forbids consuming more than one needs, but the line is blurry, leaving rich Muslims struggling with questions like whether luxury cars can be offset by large donations to charity, a central tenet of Islam.

Donations to Deniz Feneri, one of the largest charities in Turkey, jumped almost a hundredfold in the six years ending in 2006, when they topped $62 million. A large part of the donations came from credit cards on the Internet.

Aydin, for her part, supports 25 families, although she moved out of their district two years ago. The real problem is not finding a place to pray on a busy day out (mall fitting rooms work), but being truly charitable and putting others first in an age when the frenzied pace of life pushes in the opposite direction.

Even house designs take charity into account. Cak described a multimillion-dollar house whose design included an industrial-size kitchen where food was cooked daily and distributed in trucks throughout the Umraniye neighborhood.

"It's the way to find peace in your heart after spending so much money," Cak said. "I'm putting gold in my floor, but I'm feeding all these people."

Sebnem Arsu contributed reporting.

International Herald Tribun



Няма коментари:

Публикуване на коментар

Петиция за свалянето на имунитета на Волен Сидеров

Избитите от комунистическия режим на Тодор Живков по време на т.нар. "Възродителен процес".2